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In sut any and available study of slut discourse amongst natural women in an New generic, Armstrong, et al. I am got by disciplines, store, and skills that they have cost me naked online natural. Proficiency In this how I have over several students of slut-shaming. Anna prices every guy she can apply, Anna will do anything, June is the biggest stuff ever much.

Slut-shaming promotes sexual virtue, namely conformance to normative sexual behaviors, and supports the cultural suppression znna female sexuality, which has precedents throughout history [ 9 ]. Reports indicate that slut-shaming is increasingly prevalent on the Internet [ 11 ], and this paper provides a historical lens on this phenomenon. How recent is Greekk phenomenon, what impact has the Internet had on it, and what role might women play in it? Chester escort, author of popular feminist critiques Greek slut anna slut-shaming and female competition, has recently published a volume on Greei on the Internet, entitled I am not a slut: Slut-shaming in the age of the Internet [ 12 ].

This volume is commendable but it does not historicize slut-shaming adequately, nor indicate the longevity of the phenomenon. I reveal how the process of slut-shaming injured women in Rome and how it continues to do so today. As Richlin and others have shown, societal processes that injured women in antiquity, including body shaming, human trafficking and involuntary sex work, continue to thrive to this day [ 14 ]. The Roman Republic is a useful space for historicising the slut-shaming of women. Female sexual virtue and shame was an important part of Republican discourse; a veritable wealth of ancient sources attest to this.

Themes and images of sexual virtue, violence and shame were ubiquitous in elite and popular literature e. This discourse affected both women and girls [ 16 ]. As we will see, slut-shaming was as alive in the Roman Republic as it is now on the Internet. This was not a uniquely Roman or Republican phenomenon; many other ancient cultures include similar phenomena [ 18 ]. The limited focus of this paper is designed to provoke a broader conversation on slut-shaming in antiquity.

Essentially, ancient sources provide us with veiled representations of Roman women, making it difficult to recover their real history slit 19 ]. We should not see these strategies as panacean, but, Greek slut anna, as a methodology for critically Greek slut anna with the lives of Roman women. So-warned and so-armed, I will grapple with anja of the ancient Super young sluts for free on Roman slut-shaming. In this paper, I sluf some background on female sexual virtue and shame in the Roman Republic, and then compare and contrast three cases of slut-shaming from the Republic with three from the Internet.

The Republican cases include: The Internet cases include: I contend that, within a number of the cases examined, women have been complicit in the acts of shaming, which is in keeping with findings in other research on female complicity in the patriarchy [ 26 ] and female intrasexual competition [ 27 ]. I propose that their complicity conferred social benefits upon them, namely sexual resource control and sexual privilege [ 28 ]. Previous research on gender and the Internet has often focused on utopian or dystopian models where Internet technologies are either liberating utopian or damaging dystopian for women [ 29 ].

Roman slut-shaming What form did slut-shaming take in the Roman Republic? To answer this question, we must first understand the limits placed on female sexual behavior in the Republic. The male control of female sexuality was a central component of Roman ideology; women of the Roman Republic were typically subject to the authority of their father or husband or legal guardian. Prostitution itself was not illegal, but great shame was attached to the role of prostitute both male and female. Women who engaged in such activity could face serious consequences, including exile or death, as we shall see.

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Needless to say, there was a sexual double standard; men were able to engage in such activity with slug limits [ 35 ]. We shall trace some literary and funerary examples of these cultural conventions and then move to our three historical case studies. Female sexual virtue was wrapped up in Roman narratives about identity and religion. The aetiology of the Roman Republic itself was linked to the rape of the sexually virtuous Lucretia and her subsequent suicide [ 36 ], while the Vestal Virgins, their sexual virtue, and their sexual misconduct were linked with the health of Rome [ 37 ].

Moreover, the origins of the cult of Pudicitia, deified sexual virtue, was linked with public competition for sexual virtue by married women [ 38 ]. When Roman women, fictional or otherwise, transgressed the boundaries of normative sexual behavior, they entered a dangerous space where they risked punishment and censure [ 39 ]. Themes of sexual virtue and shame exist throughout some of our earliest extant Republican texts, including the famous comedies of Plautus and Terence third and second century BCE [ 40 ].

Such themes can also be found in the fragmentary satires of Gaius Lucilius Greeek the mimes of Decimus Laberius second and first century BCE [ 41 ]. These alut immediately conjure up the untrammeled invective directed at women Pink pantied sluts the Internet. In these examples, Lucilius and Laberius certainly use slut-shaming as part of their literary palette as did Plautus and Terencealthough we must keep in mind that this is not necessarily indicative of the lives or experiences of real women per se, but of elite and popular cultures Greeek were preoccupied with such themes and images.

Several Republican funerary epitaphs circa second to first century BCE for women indicate the ideological importance of perceived sexual virtue e. These Greeek cut across class: Aurelia and Albia were freed slaves, while Claudia and Sempronia were conceivably members of the elite Claudian and Sempronian families. Furthermore, two extant funeral eulogies for elite women from abna first century BCE, the laudatio Gree, ILS and the famed laudatio Turiae ILSpaint pictures of devoted and sexually virtuous wives Murdia has modesty and sexual virtue, Grrek and pudicitia, and the addressee of the laudatio Turiae has sexual virtue, pudicitia [ 46 ].

Clearly, Roman families elite and otherwise wished to publicly advertise the sexual virtue of their women [ sluh ]. These examples have shown how prevalent themes of sexual virtue and shame were in the literary and funerary culture s of sput Roman Republic. But how did women experience slut-shaming? We turn now to our three case studies of historical slut-shaming; Greek slut anna will illuminate some of the forms of slut-shaming that occurred in the lives of women. A multitude Ggeek male Roman authors voiced concern over female sexuality and actively shamed historical women for their sexual behavior [ 48 ]; one in particular is well known, namely Marcus Tullius Cicero.

Cicero was an elite member of the political class in Rome in the first c. In his Gredk Caelio, Greek slut anna speech delivered at a public trial in 56 BCE, Cicero denounces xnna women ann behaved like prostitutes: Notably, his characterization lsut such a woman is Beautiful busty chicago escorts inverse of the characterization of the women on the funerary epitaphs and eulogies we saw earlier. In short, Cicero was slut-shaming [ 50 ]. Slur had accused Marcus Gdeek Rufus, her former lover, of attempted poisoning, which resulted in his being taken to trial.

As far as we are aware, Clodia disappears from public life after this trial; this public slut-shaming had a profound impact on her social life [ 52 ]. As a result of these four Roman defeats, there was a substantial reduction in the male citizen population [ 54 ]. The social impact of the death of male citizens and troop mobilization cannot be overstated [ 56 ]. I will focus now on two examples of this regulation. Circa BCE, after the crisis of Cannae and at the behest of the Senate, Roman married women chose from amongst themselves a virtuous candidate to dedicate a statue of the goddess Venus Verticordia [ 59 ].

The virtuous candidate was Sulpicia, daughter of the patrician Servius Sulpicius Paterculus and wife of the distinguished military hero, Quintus Fulvius Flaccus. The Roman author Valerius Maximus indicates that Sulpicia was selected for her strict adherence to the public display of sexual virtue [ 60 ]. The statue of Venus Verticordia was a religious image meant to generate sexual virtue, just as Sulpicia herself was chosen as a living image of such virtue [ 65 ]. Sulpicia, an elite Roman woman, was selected by her peers to promote sexual virtue via a religious rite; in doing so, she gained status, and was immortalized as a paragon of sexual virtue. Hallett has shown that Valerius is polyvocal in his characterization of Sulpicia here: Essentially, Valerius shames one Sulpicia by praising another.

In a somewhat similar fashion, the married women in this case were, broadly speaking, praising the sexual virtue of one of their number, while simultaneously slut-shaming those who did not fit her example i. In this event, women and Valerius were promoting normative sexual behaviors, and suppressing non-conventional sexual behaviors. In BCE, amidst religious turmoil in Rome, a group of married women were put on public trial for sexual misconduct. Livy, the Roman historian, indicates that this trial was managed by state religious officials, the plebeian aediles, and that it resulted in the exile of some of those being tried.

This public trial and exile was highly unusual; it was, however, occurring in unusual times [ 68 ]. As noted earlier, women were traditionally subject to the authority of their father or husband or legal guardian [ 69 ]. The war and the resulting death or absence of male relatives, however, had led to many women becoming legally autonomous. The issue of whether the charges related to actual practice is immaterial here; the state saw fit to conduct a public trial that shamed and punished women for their perceived non-conformance to normative sexual behaviors. In these three historical cases, men and women used the legal and religious apparatus of Rome to publicly shame women for their sexual behavior.

The cultural suppression of female sexuality was mediated here by the slut-shaming of women in public spaces, and the focus of this slut-shaming was female sexual virtue; women were either censured or praised for their conformance to normative sexual behaviors. The themes of sexual virtue and shame we saw in the literary and funerary culture of the Republic are omnipresent here; such themes were firmly entangled with power, status, politics and religion in Rome. We cannot know with certainty how Roman women themselves responded to this slut-shaming, or how it made them feel; no contemporaneous texts authored by women exist that refer to such events.

We do know that at least two Vestals from the third century BCE, accused of sexual misconduct, committed suicide; but theirs were exceptional cases, as Vestals they were already facing ritual execution by live burial according to religious custom [ 74 ]. What about ordinary women? It is possible that men were legally allowed to kill their wives if they were found to have committed sexual misconduct; this appears to have been the case in the domestic executions of women following the suppression of the Bacchanalia in BCE [ 75 ]. If this was so, women may have chosen suicide over this sentence. If we consider these factors, along with the cultural preoccupation with female sexual virtue, and the impact slut-shaming had on Clodia case dismissal and withdrawal from public life and the matrons of BCE exilewe can presume that slut-shaming had profoundly damaging psychological and social effects on Roman women.

We turn now to instances of this same phenomenon on the Internet. Internet slut-shaming Slut-shaming is a growing issue on the Internet [ 76 ], and women are the predominant targets [ 77 ]. Despite advances made in cultural conceptions of gender and sexuality, the slut-shaming of women persists. The discourse of sexual virtue is as alive today as it was in Republican Rome. Ask her to go into a closet or a bathroom and pull her shirt off and she'll do it -- she'll pull herself apart at the slightest provocation. She'll lie on her back saying, "I love you," no matter who the guy is or where he has come from.

According to what everyone says and writes on the walls, Anna is a monster of desire, a freak of nature, an aberration. No one knows her very well, but the idea of her takes up a lot of space. When she walks down the hall, a murmur takes shape, irrepressible in the throats of all the kids. Sometimes one distinct voice emerges, shouting over the tide of whispers: Anna Wanna is a whore! She continues her progress through the hall, staring straight ahead. Occasionally she swirls around, yells, "Fuck you," and then there's the inevitable comeback: From where I sit her hair seems darker than midnight.

I am part of the same army of freshman girls Anna belongs to, but unlike Anna I'm not the kind of girl who attracts attention. Even when you look right at me, it's easy to look past me. I'm a well-behaved, unobtrusive goody-goody: I watch Anna swirl around and battle the catcalls and the predators; I find it difficult to take my eyes off her. Maybe because of my particular kind of invisibility, I become fascinated by Anna's infamy -- the stories of sex and abandon and inappropriate kisses. When she's absent, which is often, school is far more boring than usual. Long after high school has ended, I still dream about her. Like a kid obsessed in the hallway, I can't let go of the question of Anna and her true nature.

Through the lens of memory, she becomes representative of a more generalized sense of chaos -- moments when the good, orderly world you thought you knew falls away and a cruel reality begins to manifest itself. Anna and the rumors surrounding her seem to hold a clue to the past: Why did we want to talk this way? Why did we so effortlessly and automatically create a "slut," almost as if she were creating us?